Revolutionary situation in Mexico

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May 13, 2002
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Mumia Abu-Jamal
THE ROAD FROM OAXACA


Several weeks ago, a long, dusty trail of thousands winded their way from
the southern city of Oaxaca, to the capital of Mexico City, some 800
kilometers (or over 250 miles) to support democracy, and demand the removal
of the governor, who got there through a stolen, and deeply corrupt
election.

The marchers, a motley crew of teachers, students, farmers, vendors, and the
like, made their tortuous way over mountain and valleys, through slashing
rains, blistering heat, and numbing cold, marching for 19 days, to take
their complaints to the seat of government.

The group, calling itself the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (or
APPO, the Spanish acronym for Asemblea Popular del Pueblo de Oaxaca), has
rocked Mexico with its strong, principled insistence that elections be truly
fair and free of corruption, and that the will of the People be heard.

I've actually been reading about the events in Oaxaca for several weeks, and
every time I read about them, I thought of Americans, who quietly accepted
the corrupt elections of 2000, and of 2004, like lambs being led to
shishkabobs.

For, the stolen elections of 2000 in Florida, and later 2004 in Ohio, have
done unprecedented damage to the very notion of democracy, and shattered the
faith of millions in the electoral process.

The people of Oaxaca, braving not just the natural elements, but the
political ones as well, indeed, the terrorism of the 'instruments of the
state' (police and military violence), have proven by their march and
protests that true democracy is deeply important to the people.

The APPO, which has sparked resistance throughout Mexico City, and in other
parts of the country, has created a political crisis in the nation, by its
fervent demand for the removal of Oaxaca governor, Ulises Ruiz, and the
restoration of democracy.

The crisis arises from the fact that many of the country's political parties
are doing their damnedest to silence, derail, or intimidate the people; for
if they are successful (they fear) there will be two, three, a dozen Oaxacas
all across the country.

Oaxaca, although the poorest state in Mexico, and one with the largest
indigenous population, is inspiring people far and beyond its southern
Mexican borders.

The Oaxaca resistance was born in repression, when Governor Ruiz ordered the
police assault on the striking Oaxaca teachers' union in June. The teachers
fought back, and within days, over 300,000 people gathered in a mass march
to support the union. Out of that massive outpouring of support came the
APPO, the Popular Assembly. The continuing crisis in Mexico may push social
forces to join the radicalizing efforts of the APPO, or may open the door to
the threatened terror of the 'instruments of the state.' To be frank, what
began in repression may indeed end in more repression; but that will not,
nor could truly be the end.

That's because the forces that gave rise to APPO are still rumbling barely
beneath the surface, ready to emerge in another state, where workers and the
poor are struggling to resist the ravenous forces of globalism.

When the poor are treated poorly, when workers are poorly paid, the
conditions for resistance are already present.

And while the temptation of the State to use its brutal 'instruments' may be
strong, it's also very possible that it may spark more resistance, deeper
and broader.

Oaxaca is spreading like the wind, and the examples of popular and
indigenous resistance from Mexico, like the APPO, and the Zapatistas, and
various struggles from throughout Latin America, are spreading also.

The people of Oaxaca should be supported, not just with words, but with
similar organizing against flawed and corrupt elections, from folks all over
the world.

It should begin with the people of the U.S.

Copyright 2006 Mumia Abu-Jamal

Mumia Abu-Jamal is a political prisoner in the United States on death row.
For more information on Mumia's case, check out the following web sites:
Yet Another Witness Comes Forward and Refutes The Frame-Up Of Mumia
Abu-Jamal!
http://www.freemumia.com/policecoercion.html

Labor Action Committee To Free Mumia Abu-Jamal
http://www.laboract ionmumia.org/

International Concerned Family and Friends of Mumia Abu-Jamal
http://www.mumia.org/freedom.now/

Free Mumia Coalition, NYC
http://www.freemumia.com/

Socialist Action Free Mumia Site
http://www.freemumia.org

Chicago Committe To Free Mumia Abu_Jamal
http://www.chicagofreemumia.org/

Liberation News
http://lists. riseup.net/www/info/liberation_ news
 
May 13, 2002
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#42
It finally came, the full out repression we've been waiting for. The University has fallen, most of the barricades are down....There are more and more confirmed cases of mass rapes by police and rumors of people being thrown out of helicopters....many dead....

::
::


Today:

Reuters.com
by Noel Randewich

OAXACA, Mexico (Reuters) - A heavy police presence in Mexico's troubled tourist city of Oaxaca has knocked the wind out of protests to oust a state governor, giving President Felipe Calderon room to breathe in his first days in office.

Violent clashes between federal police and protesting teachers, Indian groups and others demanding the resignation of Gov. Ulises Ruiz were a looming crisis for Calderon, who took power on Friday amid fist fights between lawmakers and protests from leftists who say he stole the July presidential election.

But police have apparently gained the upper hand in Oaxaca, bulldozing barricades that had virtually shut down the city during six months of often bloody protests.

Protesters now avoid the central plaza, guarded day and night by hundreds of police with shields and tear gas guns.

And truckloads of police carrying assault rifles regularly patrol the city arresting suspected activists. More than 150 have been jailed.

"We're not free right now. We live under threat of the governor. They have their riot trucks ready," said protester Elizabeth Escania, an unemployed archeologist.

City hall has reopened, taking building permit applications and receiving taxes after months of interruptions.

Even Ruiz has been walking the streets, recently giving away hundreds of pairs of prescription eyeglasses and unveiling a social assistance program in one of Oaxaca's poorest neighborhoods. Continued...
 
May 13, 2002
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The APPO Comes Back Strong in Oaxaca
The Teachers, Indigenous Peoples and Civil Society Regroup


By Nancy Davies
Commentary from Oaxaca

February 23, 2007

Section 22 of the National Education Workers Union (SNTE, by its Spanish initials) decided that the truce asked for by the state governor was without value and took over the government office of the Secretary General (Segob, as it is referred to) in the city of Oaxaca on February 21, along with thirty-two other offices statewide. The popular assembly movement has regrouped and caught its breath. It’s now in a new phase of the struggle for Oaxaca, which I call the 2007 pre-electoral phase.

How the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO, in its Spanish initials) has been able to recapture its former strength has three answers; the teachers, the indigenous peoples and civil society.

The internal union housecleaning involved displacing the former secretary of Section 22 of SNTE, Enrique Rueda Pacheco, who is regarded as a sell-out. Rueda’s formal status appears to be irrelevant at this moment; he no longer has major input into union decisions. Section 22’s strength has rebounded despite the fracture caused by the collaboration of Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI, in its Spanish initials) governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz (URO) and national SNTE president, PRI member Elba Esther Gordillo. Between the two of them, they split off Section 59 of SNTE, a group of between 2,000-4,000 teachers out of the 70,000 Section 22 membership. Along with Section 59, the Central Council for Struggle (CCL) set up by Ruiz has been holding 200 schools, locking out the Section 22 teachers who were on strike for more than five months. The substitute teachers, along with parents in sympathy with the governor, refused to permit Section 22 teachers to return to their classrooms.

The post November 25 struggle has been violent, with state police coming into classes to arrest teachers who are APPO supporters and with the two union factions coming to blows outside schools in some areas such as Juchitán. Near Oaxaca, in the suburb of Viguera, according to one teacher who lives there but who teaches in another town, round-the-clock guards (called topiles in the usos y costumbres vernacular) patrol to forestall invasion, capture or shooting of Viguera residents.

Segob (the federal secretary of government’s department) negotiated a pause in the struggle but did not honor its promise to hand back the schools to Section 22. In retaliation for this failure, about 7,000 members of Section 22 – not classroom teachers – aided by members and sympathizers of the APPO carried out a takeover of the thirty-two state offices following the decision of the APPO state council.

This reconnection of the APPO and the education workers union brings back much of the lost strength of the APPO, which called for protests (the ninth megamarch on February 4) that demonstrated that the APPO is recovering from the fear induced during the weeks following the brutal and indiscriminate November 25 attack by the Federal Preventive Police (PFP, in its Spanish initials) and the subsequent hunt-down of APPO supporters.

In addition to the APPO and the teachers, there is now the resolution of the indigenous population in play. This segment of the population – indeed, the largest segment in Oaxaca – has stepped forward for the popular movement. The debate among the indigenous towns with respect to self-organizing for best protection from centuries of oppression has now surfaced. It reflects two different options. One, as espoused in the Juchitán area headed by the Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD, in its Spanish initials) senator Othón Cuevas, seeks to form a strong regional alliance. The other proposition, long espoused by the generation of men like Jaime Martinz Luna of Guelatao, was for maintaining each community independently, in virtual isolation, and letting the external PRI do what it chose in exchange for internal safety. The force of caciquismo was so intense, and the people so poor, that they were highly dependent on the hand-outs the caciques brought, of cement or food staples. Martinez had good reasons; there’s a paid advertisement photo in Noticias on February 22 showing URO handing out nine million pesos in “education works.” Perhaps Guelatao has lost some part of its integrity even while the process of linking communities of the Sierra Norte is taking place, including the push for community radio which may link town to town and aid APPO participation. Local organizations have been the norm, and these hundreds of organizations at the indigenous base still exist.

Furthermore, indigenous families who migrated to the urban areas for jobs brought with them their ideas of collective action and mutual support. That is why the city of Oaxaca’s embattled neighborhoods had as central actors the poor on the barricades and women bringing food. The youth participated as marchers, barricaders and communication workers.

Civil organizations are stepping into visible lead roles again, and although a certain number of APPO supporters are still in hiding, some meet clandestinely. From February 23 to March 25 a group comprised of five civil organizations is sponsoring the “National Meeting for Communication and Society” which has attracted participants from Latin America and Mexico, as well as from Oaxaca. The indigenous assembly, as well as the state APPO assembly, calls for promotion of community radio. Print, Internet, photography and other media will be discussed in the light of countering repression and disseminating accurate information.

Another example of the increased role of civil society is the continuing forum “Dialogue for Peace and Justice,” which meets this month. The local and national human rights organizations have been working since the November attacks, both to free the prisoners and to hold counseling sessions for the victims of torture.

The tenth megamarch is called for March 8, in observance of International Women’s Day, to demand the freeing of the political prisoners and to also honor the women of the struggle. The expectations for this next march are that it will bring out the full strength of the movement.

Once again the inept government of Ruiz shot itself in the foot, because the repression was so vicious and so senseless that there is scarcely a Oaxaqueño left who does not say URO must go. From time to time I speak with someone whom I know to have been against the APPO and the popular movement, and they agree. One such person, a thirty-something woman who lives in a nice suburb and works in a city office, nodded, “We can see after that (departure) what will be possible.”

From now until the August 5 Oaxaca state elections, and then on to the October 7 municipal elections, URO will try to maintain an appearance of normalcy. He attends a few very public events, more or less surreptitiously until he pops up in a town and just as surreptitiously vanishes after cutting a ribbon. As an interesting insight into popular sentiment the state legislators (who may yet hope for re-election) already declared a failure of powers in the municipality of Zaachila. Mayor José Coronel was put aside (and promptly reappointed by URO to another government post) in favor of a man chosen by the APPO-sympathetic local assembly during the height of the first phase of the struggle.

The APPO decided to not run any candidates and to maintain its own position as an independent entity. It voted in its state assembly that those who want to run for office, for whatever party, must resign positions they hold on the APPO state council. A parallel decision was the calling of another “punishment vote,” like that of July 2, 2006.

The big advantage of the electoral season is the obvious restraint it imposes on Governor Ruiz, which applies to the APPO in no way. The state troopers guarding access to the Zócalo are down to a few at each entrance. The APPO is out and about. As I pass through the center, a certain vibrancy and air of expectation has returned.
 
Apr 25, 2002
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THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES

x David Venegas Reyes “Alebrije”

The year 2007 came to an end in Oaxaca, a long painful year of
injustice, repression, forced disappearances, state elections, and
death, but also a year of dignified, heroic resistance by many men
and women. As powerful forces and politicians benefit from the
current state of affairs, they delight in proclaiming the return to
peace and quiet in Oaxaca and a reconciliation among its inhabitants,
but beneath their speeches, through their dubious, cautious, fearful
––and above all, repressive and violent––– actions, the truth comes
out: the social polarization and sharpening of social contradictions
is more drastic and more serious than ever. While they speak of
peace, their arms, shields and clubs bark of war.

In 2006, the Mexican government refused to grant the peoples of
Oaxaca a superficial victory that didn’t affect the system of
exploitation and misery that misgoverns us. The departure of Ulises
Ruiz from the government of Oaxaca wouldn’t have affected the
economic, political and ideological bases of this state of affairs.
By convoking new elections, the political class that rules the
country would have maintained the belief in the legitimacy of their
democracy and constitutional order. If they had done this, some of
the leaders on the APPO council, the traditional politicians, would
have been glad to raise their hands and volunteer to become part of
the system, and the movement of the peoples of Oaxaca would have
surely turned out to be what the comrade and political prisoner
Flavio Sosa termed a democratic, humanistic movement––euphemisms for
an electoral movement headed by the PRD party.

By refusing to yield to the demand that Ulises Ruiz step down, and,
instead, savagely repressing our peoples, the system stripped itself
naked and revealed the source of all the injustice, violence, and
discrimination. When the curtains opened on the democratic electoral
farce so absurdly perpetrated in our country, three giant columns
bearing the head of Ulises Ruiz could be seen: the capitalist system
of production; a false, representative democracy; and the Western
ideology of the powerful. And so, as has happened so many times
throughout history, the powerful themselves, through their
repression, recalcitrance, and crime, have raised the aspirations of
the men and women of Oaxaca above and beyond the mere resignation of
the repressive tyrant Ulises Ruiz.

The nature and course of the struggle have overrun the channels
proposed by the system of government that oppresses us. The peoples’
discontent is now dispersed and takes many different paths. Mainly,
there is a process of the participants becoming more conscious, but
there is also a lot of desperation over the slowness of change and
the limitations in the primary organs of struggle in the first stage
of the movement. This is seen by the total lack of confidence in the
political class displayed in this last year’s elections, no matter
what the party —right wing or supposedly leftist. The men and women
of Oaxaca gave this class a harsh lesson through the highest voter
abstinence rate in the state or the country in many years. There was
a rotund “We don’t believe you anymore!” directed at all the
traditional politicians who live off the hopes of the simple people
at the bottom.

In the context of the peaceful struggle of the peoples of Oaxaca, the
institutional, false democratic path proposed by the political class
is no longer the only option, and the exit of Ulises Ruiz is not
considered sufficient.

The struggle for autonomy waged for more than 500 years by the Indian
peoples of Mexico, now understood and recognized by more city
dwellers as a true alternative for bettering their lives, is taking a
leading role in the struggle in Oaxaca. Far from the authoritarian,
hegemonic approach of some leftist propositions, and far, also, from
the mediocrity of the electoral path, plagued with useless twists and
turns and countless traps, the struggle for autonomy continues, with
an awareness that the two apparently different proposals often merge
in practice and take chimerical forms that are theoretically
unrecognizable, yet all too recognizable in traditional politics
under the name of political opportunism. The radical nature of the
struggle for autonomy, along with its dignity, honesty, wisdom, is
seen in the most powerful social movements of the last decade in
Latin America, from the time of the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas in
1994 to the Quechua and Aymara movements in Bolivia, where the flag
of autonomy is held high.

In Oaxaca, a state whose regions are inhabited by sixteen Indian
nations, dispersed in ten thousand communities, a state in which we
city dwellers are descendants and heirs to this Mesoamerican
Civilization, autonomy is a reality in many towns and villages. It
takes the form of self government based on traditional customs and
practices. Although it is limited by the government and the political
parties and attacked by the same forces, it is possible to observe
autonomy in practice in many indigenous and mestizo communities,
where it stands as an example of what may be viable for our society
as a whole in the future.

Meanwhile thousands of men and women throughout the state continue to
participate actively, but above all honestly, in the social movement.
They’re the indispensable ones that Che Guevara talks about, who with
love for others and no thought for themselves keep the flame of
emancipation and rebellion alive for all those who, in their fear,
deception, and despair, try not to look at the daily injustice and,
instead, resort to all the immediate pleasures offered by the system
to keep the peoples busy and submissive. The soap operas have slowly
regained their viewers; soccer, its fans; and the cathedral, its
benches full of worshippers at Sunday mass. Once again, Aurrerá and
other foreign discount stores have long lines at their cash registers
during the feverishly intense rush just before Christmas, New Years
and Three Kings Day to spend, consume, need, and enrich the stock
markets of the powerful.

It’s true. Everything seems to be just like it was before––or almost
everything. But appearances are deceiving. The marvelous, unique
experience of freedom that we Oaxacans shared more than a year ago at
the height of the movement’s combativity can never be erased. More
than one generation is marked by this experience, and the
consequences of this heightened consciousness are just now beginning
to be observed. The work of our indispensable comrades arises from a
magnificent reality: a people that is conscious of its hard, unjust
reality, but above all, of its immense strength when it decides to act.

This year, 2008, is starting out with a new wave of reforms and
attacks against the lives of workers and farmers all over Mexico ––
the total liberation of imports of corn, beans, milk, and sugar from
the United States; the rise in the price of gas and public
transportation; the approval of the judicial reform legalizing the
repression of all social inconformity and protest; the danger of the
re-initiation of the war in Chiapas due to new attacks by the army
and paramilitary groups against the Zapatista communities and the
removal of people from lands recovered in the 1994 uprising; and the
intransigence of the Mexican government in proceeding with the
construction of La Parota dam and reservoir against the will of 42
affected towns and villages. These are just a few examples of this
new string of attacks by the powerful on the right of men and women
in our country to live with dignity.

But despite the permanent climate of repression and violence by the
Felipe Calderón government, grassroots Mexico, hard-working and
patient but also brave, rebellious, and rough will wake up from the
lethargy in which it is has been submerged by unfulfilled promises of
a democracy that doesn’t work, political parties that represent the
people, and development that brings well-being for all. And this
Mexico from below will have to fight the necessary battles to
eradicate the injustice, exploitation, and dire poverty that oppress us.

As we head into 2009, it’s of the utmost importance for us to look at
ourselves, recognize who we are, and come together again in the
struggle we Oaxacans took on more than a year ago. As long as Ulises
Ruiz is still Governor, as long those who are responsible for our
suffering are still in office, brazenly intensifying their
corruption, violence, and lies with total impunity; as long as the
economic, political, and ideological bases that sustain this system
of exploitation, dire poverty, and death continue to misgovern us and
control our lives; as long as justice is not done for 24 of our
people murdered; as long as our disappeared people are not presented
alive; as long as the political prisoners of the whole state––San
Agustín Loxicha, San Blas Atempa, Santiago Xanica, Guevea de
Humboldt, San Isidro Aloapan––and the prisoners of the APPO do not
achieve our immediate, unconditional freedom; and as long as those
people who are responsible for the suffering of our people are
punished, we cannot say that there is true peace with justice and
dignity in Oaxaca.

Until that day it is the moral responsibility of all who feel in our
hearts the flame of rebellion and a love for justice, dignity, and
peace to keep waging an honest, valiant, combative struggle. In
moments of weakness or despair, let’s remember that we are many, that
we are the overwhelming majority, that once, not long ago, we looked
each other in the face and saw that we were equal in our suffering,
but also in our rebelliousness, and we helped bring about the biggest
fiesta for freedom that’s happened in our country in recent years, in
the Oaxaca commune.

With their pig-headedness, blindness, and authoritarianism, the
powers that be are fertilizing the soil for a new, more powerful
insurrection, which will surely be definitive.

They tore away our fruit, hacked our branches to pieces, burned our
trunks, but they can never pull up our roots.

David Venegas Reyes “Alebrije”
Santa Maria Ixcotel Central Penitentiary.
January 4, 2007.

--------------

Oaxaca Solidarity:

El Enemigo Común (film and news)
http://elenemigocomun.net

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Apr 25, 2002
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Urban Paramilitaries Provoke and Attack a Youth March
http://elenemigocomun.net/1412

Today, January 15th, 2007, before the beginning of a youth march for
the liberation of political prisoners, Urban Paramilitaries (porros)
have initiated a series of provocations to defame the social
movement. Known urban paramilitaries (identified as Aladin and
Crusty) have occupied and burned at least two buses to provoke
violence before the march, and other urban paramilitaries have began
to open fire at UABJO (Benito Juarez Autonomous University of
Oaxaca). Students are being force out of classrooms and clashes have
ensued. The youth march is scheduled for 4 pm and is beginning to get
together. Students and organizers are concerned for their safety,
seeing as how these tactics of provocation always lead to violence in
peaceful actions. Please post widely and remain vigilant.

(I will write more after the march)
Simon Sedillo


--------------

Oaxaca Solidarity:

El Enemigo Común (film and news)
http://elenemigocomun.net

Go here to subscribe to the Oaxaca Solidarity Alert List:
https://lists.riseup.net/www/subrequest/oaxaca
 
Nov 20, 2005
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#46
thats great that still a year later they have not given up.


They tore away our fruit, hacked our branches to pieces, burned our
trunks, but they can never pull up our roots.

David Venegas Reyes “Alebrije”
Santa Maria Ixcotel Central Penitentiary.
January 4, 2007.
very powerful.

~k.