Tamil Tiger leader Velupillai Prabhakaran is dead

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May 13, 2002
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Tamil Tiger leader Velupillai Prabhakaran is dead, the Sri Lankan military says. State television made the announcement shortly after the military said it had surrounded him in the north-east.

To his followers, Vellupillai Prabhakaran was a freedom fighter struggling for Tamil emancipation.

To his adversaries he was a secretive megalomaniac with a complete disregard for human life.

Under his leadership, the Tamil Tigers became one of the world's most highly-disciplined and highly-motivated guerrilla forces.

But in recent months they fought a desperate rearguard action as the Sri Lankan military inflicted defeat after defeat on them, ending their dream of a separate homeland in the north and east.

The youngest of four children, Vellupillai Prabhakaran was born on 26 Nov 1954, in the northern coastal town of Velvettithurai on the Jaffna peninsula.

Described as a shy and bookish student, he became involved in the Tamil protest movement after being angered by what he saw as discrimination against Tamils by Sri Lanka's majority Sinhalese population.

He claimed he was influenced by the lives of two Indian leaders, Subhash Chandra Bose and Bhagat Singh, both of whom were involved in the armed struggle for independence from Britain.

Cult of martyrdom

In one of his rare interviews he also said that he was fascinated by the lives of Alexander the Great and Napoleon and had studied many books on the two commanders.

It is believed that Prabhakaran founded the Tamil New Tigers in 1973 or 1974, although the exact date is unknown.

It was just another in a series of pressure groups and organisations protesting against what they saw as the marginalisation of the Tamil people in the post-colonial Sri Lanka.

In 1975 he was accused of the murder of the mayor of Jaffna, who was shot at point blank range while he was about to enter a Hindu temple.


Prabhakaran dedicated his life to his dream of a Tamil homeland


The killing was said to be in response to an incident in Jaffna the previous year when a police attack on a crowd led to the deaths of about seven people.

A year later Prabhakaran's group was renamed the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), commonly known as the Tamil Tigers.

The Tigers became a formidable force numbering upwards of 10,000 soldiers, including women and children.

They were also well-equipped with weaponry funded by Tamil expatriates and, according to some reports, by sympathisers in India.

Always outnumbered by the Sri Lankan army, Prabhakaran led his forces in a series of guerrilla actions against a range of targets.

He encouraged a cult of martyrdom among his followers which led to the first use of suicide bombings as a common form of attack, often against civilian targets.

Central Bank bombing

He was also reputed to carry a cyanide capsule around his neck to be swallowed in case of capture, a practice soon emulated by many of his soldiers.

In 1991 he was accused of involvement in the assassination of former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, who was killed in a suicide bomb attack near Madras (Chennai).

It was alleged Prabhakaran had personally ordered the attack in revenge for Gandhi's posting of Indian peacekeeping troops to Sri Lanka in the mid-1980s.


Under Prabhakaran's leadership the Tigers were branded a terrorist group

An Indian court signed a death warrant in his name and Interpol issued a wanted notice on the grounds of terrorism, murder and organised crime.

Under his leadership the LTTE was branded a terrorist organisation by many countries and he was wanted by Interpol, the global police network for murder, terrorism, organised crime and conspiracy.

He was a shadowy figure, constantly under threat of arrest or assassination.

At one of Prabhakaran's very rare press conferences, in 2002, he refused to answer any questions about Gandhi's murder, referring to it as a "tragic accident".

Instead he repeated his demand for self-determination for Tamils and said he was prepared to die in the fight to achieve it.

Secretive figure

In 1996 more than 90 people were killed and a further 1,400 were injured when a suicide bomber crashed a lorry through the gates of the Central Bank of Colombo and detonated its cargo of explosives.

Most of the casualties were civilians in what was then the Tigers' deadliest attack, with a number of foreign nationals among those killed and injured.

In 2002 a Sri Lankan court issued a warrant for Prabhakaran's arrest in connection with the attack and, in his absence, sentenced him to 200 years in prison.

When the latest attempt at peace talks broke down in 2006, the Sri Lankan army launched a huge offensive against Tiger strongholds, eventually capturing large areas of what had been Tiger-held territory.

In early 2009 Prabhakaran suffered a major reverse when the Sri Lankan government captured the Tigers' administrative capital of Killinochchi and there were rumours he had fled the country.

Vellupillai Prabhakaran remained a secretive figure throughout his life, his movements between his various jungle hideouts carefully planned to avoid capture or assassination.

At the height of its powers at the end of the 1990s and the early years of this decade, the LTTE controlled nearly one-third of Sri Lanka.

But Prabhakaran was unable to translate this authority into his dream: an autonomous Tamil homeland in the north of the country.

His single-minded determination in pursuit of his goal never wavered: he once claimed he had ordered his own men to shoot him if he ever gave up his demands for a Tamil state.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7885473.stm
 
May 13, 2002
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The leader of Sri Lanka's Tamil Tiger rebels, Velupillai Prabhakaran, has been killed, the military says.

It said Prabhakaran - along with two of his top commanders - had died while trying to flee from the last rebel-held patch of jungle in the north-east.

The military said it had crushed the Tamil Tigers' 26-year insurgency, as people around the country celebrated.

No photos of Prabhakaran's body have been released. The army says it is working to identify it among the dead.

The claims cannot be verified as reporters are barred from the war zone.
See a map of the conflict region

European Union foreign ministers meeting in Brussels condemned civilian casualties and called for an inquiry into alleged war crimes by both sides.

Ambush

Over the past few weeks Sri Lankan forces routed the rebels, overrunning their territory.

In the past few days, the LTTE had been hemmed into a 300 sq m (3,230 sq ft) patch of land - a tiny part of the 15,000 sq km territory they had controlled until recently.

Army chief Lt Gen Sarath Fonseka said on Monday: "Today we finished the work handed to us by the president to liberate the country from the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam)."

Military officials said Prabhakaran had been killed along with his intelligence chief Pottu Amman and Soosai, the head of the rebels' naval wing.

They were trying to flee advancing government troops when their vehicle was ambushed, the officials said.

They added that Prabhakaran's burnt body had been recovered and that DNA tests were under way.

The government's information department sent news of Prabhakaran's death by text message to mobile phones across the country.

Later on Monday, the heads of the three armed services were shown on national television shaking hands with President Mahinda Rajapakse.

No official statement was issued, but AFP news agency quoted the defence minister as saying: "We have successfully ended the war."

The BBC's Charles Haviland in Colombo says there have been jubilant celebrations in the streets and national flags are flying off the shelves.

Earlier, at least three senior rebel leaders were killed, including Prabhakaran's eldest son, Charles Anthony, the military said.

State TV broadcast images of what it said was Charles Anthony's body.

The military said 250 Tamil Tigers had been also killed overnight.

Under Prabhakaran, the Tigers assassinated several Sri Lankan political leaders and the former Indian Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi.

The LTTE was branded a terrorist organisation by many countries, and Prabhakaran was wanted by Interpol - the global police network - for murder, terrorism, organised crime and conspiracy.

Anger and jubilation

There is still widespread international concern about civilians who may have been caught up in the fighting.

ources in the UN say significant numbers of civilians were still in the combat zone but the Sri Lankan government said all civilians had left.

Besides the celebrations in Colombo, there was a demonstration against Britain, with protestors accusing it of seeking to help the rebels by earlier calling for a ceasefire.

More than 1,000 Sri Lankans protested outside the British High Commission.

Some protesters threw stones and burnt an effigy of UK Foreign Secretary David Miliband.

A High Commission spokesman said it was "an outrage" that the Sri Lankan authorities let the demonstration become so violent.

The Tigers had been fighting for a separate state for Tamils in the north and east of Sri Lanka since the 1970s.

More than 70,000 people have been killed in the conflict and thousands displaced.



http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8055015.stm
 
May 13, 2002
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Very good read........



Sri Lanka: Victory speech signals new assault on working people

By Wije Dias
20 May 2009

Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse delivered a speech in parliament yesterday to proclaim the army’s victory over the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). While he cynically declared that the military had “liberated” the Tamil people from the “terrorist” LTTE, Rajapakse has inflicted nothing but death, destruction and misery on working people—Tamil, Sinhala and Muslim.

Rajapakse spoke about caring for civilians and “respecting even the enemy that has surrendered,” but the army’s final push against the remaining pocket of LTTE fighters on Monday was a cold-blooded slaughter. The government was determined to annihilate the top LTTE leadership despite its announced readiness to silence its guns.

The LTTE’s offer on Sunday to end combat to protect civilian lives, conveyed through Norway, was simply ignored. Foreign ministry secretary Palitha Kohona told the media: “The government’s stance is clear. Norway is no longer the facilitators. The LTTE wanted to surrender their arms a little too late.” On Monday morning, the army killed more than 300 people, including the LTTE’s top leaders.

With all the country’s military chiefs present in parliament, much of Rajapakse’s speech was devoted to hailing the armed forces, covering up his government’s war crimes and justifying his war as a “war on terrorism”. Boasting of the army’s victory, he declared its heroism to be exemplary to the “whole world that is engaged in a struggle to eradicate terrorism”.

Inflating the LTTE to “a massive international organisation,” Rajapakse claimed: “There was no school of war in the world that could face up to the savage military strategies used by the terrorists of the LTTE. The world had not seen military sciences able to face a combination of land mines, claymore mines, small suicide vessels, light aircraft that can evade radar, and suicide killer jackets.”

In reality, the 26-year war was not to eradicate “terrorism” but to defend the power and privileges of the Sinhala elites. The LTTE’s separatist program, attacks on Sinhalese civilians and ruthless suppression of Tamil opponents certainly deepened the communal divide and played into the hands of the most reactionary elements of the Colombo establishment. But responsibility for the war rests squarely on successive Sri Lankan governments, which exploited anti-Tamil chauvinism to divide workers and prop up their rule.

The victory over what was no more than a guerrilla army was achieved through the cold-blooded use of the military’s overwhelming superiority in numbers and equipment to terrorise the country’s Tamil minority and grind down the LTTE’s fighters. Rajapakse hailed the soldiers as “heroes” and praised the sacrifice of their mothers, fathers and wives, but the government and the army chiefs had no compunction in sacrificing young economic conscripts in their thousands in frontal assaults on entrenched LTTE positions.

Rajapakse’s speech was clearly pitched at stirring up chauvinist sentiment. He referred to island’s mythical past of 2,500 years of Buddhism and the glorious rule of 182 Sinhalese kings. Even before the speech began, national television was presenting him as the modern-day conqueror who had unified the country. The portrayal contains one element of truth: backed by a military-political cabal, Rajapakse functions increasingly as an autocrat who treats the rule of law and parliament with contempt.

Every effort was made to create the illusion of popular jubilation. The Department of Education instructed all schools island-wide to provide facilities for students to watch the president’s speech. Going one step further, some principals encouraged students to parade on the school grounds with national flags in hand. The Department of Public Administration issued a circular allowing workers to watch the speech in their workplaces. A public holiday was proclaimed for today.

In fact, with the exception of demonstrations by Sinhala extremists, broad layers of working people have shown no elation over a war that has cost more than 70,000 lives and blighted an entire generation. Many people are relieved and hope that the end of the war will improve their lives, but have little faith in the government. Among Tamils, there is a justified fear that the military triumph will only lead to intensified harassment and persecution.

Rajapakse’s promises to help the “liberated” Tamil people and create a “Northern Spring” are completely cynical. Vast swathes of the northern Wanni region have been depopulated and turned into wastelands. Nearly 300,000 Tamils are being treated as prisoners of war and held in squalid, overcrowded detention camps. Since the beginning of the year, an estimated 8,000 civilians have been killed and many more injured, mainly by the military’s indiscriminate bombardment.

The Sri Lankan government is under international pressure for a “political solution” to the war that would offer some minimal concessions to the Tamil minority. But he dismissed “the many proposals from various countries and institutions... that ask us to look after our own Tamil people well” saying that Sri Lanka was “a country with unique precedents” that took care of the vanquished.

While accepting that a military solution was not the final solution, Rajapakse pointedly added that “we can realise that a document offered on a tray as a political solution could also not be the final solution.” By ruling out any formal document, the president is indicating that there will be no changes to the country’s constitution, which entrenches Buddhism as the state religion, or to the many forms of anti-Tamil bias built into the administrative system.

Rajapakse is completely beholden to Sinhala extremist layers of the political establishment and the state apparatus, particularly the military. The president established an All Party Representative Conference two and a half years ago, supposedly to propose constitutional reforms to address the grievances of the minorities. It has sat for 144 sessions without reaching any agreement, mainly because Rajapakse’s Sri Lanka Freedom Party and his chauvinist allies—the Jathika Hela Urumaya and the National Freedom Front—vehemently oppose any democratic concessions to Tamils.

The most ominous aspect of Rajapakse’s speech was his declaration that the end of the war would begin a new era of “nation building”. “Time is now raising a new challenge before us,” he said. “It is the challenge of building the motherland. From now all, everyone should change in keeping with the needs of facing up to that challenge, too. Just as I accepted the earlier challenge, I accept this new challenge too.”

The government and big business are acutely aware that the costs of the war, compounded by the impact of the global recession, have created a deepening economic crisis in Sri Lanka. “Nation building” simply means that drastic new economic burdens have to be imposed on working people. Already the government has frozen wage increases and new recruitments to the public sector and cut subsidies in its bid to obtain a $US1.9 billion IMF loan.

Having demanded that workers sacrifice for the war, Rajapakse is now insisting that working people “face up” to the new “nation building” challenge. The same militaristic ethos will be applied to this new task. He declared that the victory belonged to those people who had rallied behind the National Flag, sacrificed their sons to the war and “thought not of their stomachs but of their country”.

Announcing that the war had now “removed the word ‘minorities’ from our vocabulary,” Rajapakse declared: “There are only two peoples in this country. One is the people that love this country. The other comprises the small groups that have no love for the land of their birth. Those who do not love the country are now a lesser group.”

These words have only one meaning. Anyone who complains about not having enough food to fill their stomach or protests against the demands for further sacrifice in the name of “nation building” will be treated as traitors. Rajapakse’s remarks highlight the fact that the “two peoples” about which he is speaking are the wealthy elites he represents, who never have to worry about the basic necessities of life, and the vast majority of the population, who are struggling to get by from day to day.

The Socialist Equality Party warns that the Rajapakse government will pursue its “economic war” no less ruthlessly than it has waged its offensives against the LTTE and Tamil civilians. Over the past three years, those who have criticised Rajapakse or his conduct of the war have been subjected to threats, arbitrary detention or “disappearance” by pro-government death squads. With the complicity of the trade union bureaucracies and “left” parties, Rajapakse and his ministers denounced striking workers as aiding the “Tiger terrorists”.


http://www.wsws.org/articles/2009/may2009/sril-m20.shtml