Summary: Gavin_Rose writes: An ambiguous French military engagement in the Ivory Coast called Operation Unicorn had “attracted little international attention until an outburst of weekend violence which included the deaths of nine French soldiers, the retaliatory destruction of the country’s tiny air force and the killing of 50 Ivorian demonstrators by French troops.”
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Ivorian President Gbagbo is trying to frame this as a struggle to resist an attempt by France to reassert colonial dominance. (For a good backgrounder on the 1999 coup that ousted the regime sponsored by France, go to CDD and search for “Côte d’Ivoire,” to pull up their 2002 country briefing – actually published in 2000.) “The coup d’état was hugely popular in la Côte d’Ivoire. The looming threat of socioeconomic paralysis called for radical changes; to many, the coup represented the beginning of that change. .. the ethnic politics of the [ousted party] that saw Ivorians from the north as second-class citizens was a recipe for civil war and the coup prevented that scenario. For various reasons the Ivorian society put its faith and fate in the goodwill of the coup plotters.”
Coup leader General Guéi over ten months of military rule before the contested 2000 election of President Gbagbo. The Supreme Court’s engineering of this election is largely to blame for the Ivory Coast’s civil war today. “Only five candidates were allowed to run for the elections .. Amongst the disqualified candidates were .. the two major parties that had occupied 75 % of the parliamentary seats before the coup.” Including the Rassemblement des Républicains headed by Alassane Ouattara, the proud recipient of an IMF Resolution of Appreciation. The election was largely boycotted in the north of the country, seat of the current rebellion.
This Timeline shows Outtaura alternately leading a rebellion, living in exile, returning to have his ancestry scrutinized by a xenophobic government propaganda machine, and finally negotiating a peace agreement that required Gbagbo to step down and provide open elections. Meanwhile, in 2003 France detained a group of suspected mercenaries accused of planning to assassinate President Gbagbo, indicating that the push to get rid of him by whatever means is not fully endorsed in France. Though they appear to be losing patience. The French “peacekeepers” probably were on overly friendly terms with the rebels – their readiness to obliterate the government’s entire air force over one air strike is a clear sign they never really had much respect for Gbagbo’s government.
The current uprising began late last year over accusations that the Gbagbo government was not fulfilling its end of the peace deal. This week, South African President Mbeki rushed to Abidjan to forestall French military action, making optimistic statements for the press after a meeting with the contested leader: “I must say I am very pleased by the commitment of President Laurent Gbagbo to implementing in full the Marcoussis and Accra III so that Ivory Coast can go through a transitional process.”
But allAfrica and AfricaOnline news reports paint a darker picture of authoritarian response: “Hate messages broadcast on state radio and television whipped up anti-French feeling and irate Ivorians took to the streets, attacking expatriate homes, businesses and schools,” and “Youth groups in Ivory Coast who are close to President Laurent Gbagbo are vowing to prevent a planned protest Thursday in favour of a stalled peace deal with rebels. The leader of the Young Patriots, Charles Ble Goude, is urging his street soldiers, as he calls them, to block off areas of the city starting Wednesday night to prevent protesters from regrouping.”
“Young Patriot” Ble Goude describes the peace deal as a “constitutional coup,” which is apparently a bad thing, at least if you’re part of the military-political machine of Gbagbo’s regime.
The UN has just come down firmly on the side of the opposition, threatening sanctions if the government does not comply with the peace agreement within the month.
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Ivorian President Gbagbo is trying to frame this as a struggle to resist an attempt by France to reassert colonial dominance. (For a good backgrounder on the 1999 coup that ousted the regime sponsored by France, go to CDD and search for “Côte d’Ivoire,” to pull up their 2002 country briefing – actually published in 2000.) “The coup d’état was hugely popular in la Côte d’Ivoire. The looming threat of socioeconomic paralysis called for radical changes; to many, the coup represented the beginning of that change. .. the ethnic politics of the [ousted party] that saw Ivorians from the north as second-class citizens was a recipe for civil war and the coup prevented that scenario. For various reasons the Ivorian society put its faith and fate in the goodwill of the coup plotters.”
Coup leader General Guéi over ten months of military rule before the contested 2000 election of President Gbagbo. The Supreme Court’s engineering of this election is largely to blame for the Ivory Coast’s civil war today. “Only five candidates were allowed to run for the elections .. Amongst the disqualified candidates were .. the two major parties that had occupied 75 % of the parliamentary seats before the coup.” Including the Rassemblement des Républicains headed by Alassane Ouattara, the proud recipient of an IMF Resolution of Appreciation. The election was largely boycotted in the north of the country, seat of the current rebellion.
This Timeline shows Outtaura alternately leading a rebellion, living in exile, returning to have his ancestry scrutinized by a xenophobic government propaganda machine, and finally negotiating a peace agreement that required Gbagbo to step down and provide open elections. Meanwhile, in 2003 France detained a group of suspected mercenaries accused of planning to assassinate President Gbagbo, indicating that the push to get rid of him by whatever means is not fully endorsed in France. Though they appear to be losing patience. The French “peacekeepers” probably were on overly friendly terms with the rebels – their readiness to obliterate the government’s entire air force over one air strike is a clear sign they never really had much respect for Gbagbo’s government.
The current uprising began late last year over accusations that the Gbagbo government was not fulfilling its end of the peace deal. This week, South African President Mbeki rushed to Abidjan to forestall French military action, making optimistic statements for the press after a meeting with the contested leader: “I must say I am very pleased by the commitment of President Laurent Gbagbo to implementing in full the Marcoussis and Accra III so that Ivory Coast can go through a transitional process.”
But allAfrica and AfricaOnline news reports paint a darker picture of authoritarian response: “Hate messages broadcast on state radio and television whipped up anti-French feeling and irate Ivorians took to the streets, attacking expatriate homes, businesses and schools,” and “Youth groups in Ivory Coast who are close to President Laurent Gbagbo are vowing to prevent a planned protest Thursday in favour of a stalled peace deal with rebels. The leader of the Young Patriots, Charles Ble Goude, is urging his street soldiers, as he calls them, to block off areas of the city starting Wednesday night to prevent protesters from regrouping.”
“Young Patriot” Ble Goude describes the peace deal as a “constitutional coup,” which is apparently a bad thing, at least if you’re part of the military-political machine of Gbagbo’s regime.
The UN has just come down firmly on the side of the opposition, threatening sanctions if the government does not comply with the peace agreement within the month.