THE PALESTINIAN GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL UNITY
Operation Make-or-Break in the Middle East
By Yassin Musharbash in Ramallah
Hamas and Fatah agree: The isolation of the Palestinians has to come to an end. To that end, they have made important strides toward a national unity government. Could the tide be turning in the Middle East?
When you ask the Hamas parliamentarian Aiman Daraghmeh what his government has achieved so far, he has to pause to think. Oh, yes: petrol is cheaper now that a different Israeli firm delivers it; and the sale of a license to a second Palestinian mobile phone company filled the empty treasury with a few million dollars. At least the government hasn't incurred any new debt, he said -- but that example caused the 42-year chemist to smile. He knows that no one would have lent Hamas money, anyway.
Since Hamas came to power, an international financial boycott keeps the monetary support from flowing. Israel and the international community have unanimously put forth three demands for the Islamist movement: abdication of violence, recognition of Israel and compliance with international treaties. So far, Hamas has delivered none of these demands. Which is why, ever since Hamas won the vote in January, the Palestinian National Authority, its parliament and the economy are in a waking coma.
But now there is hope, and Palestinians are placing all their bets on one hand: They are going to present Israel and the international community with a government of national unity. It should be close enough to Hamas to be acceptable to Palestinian voters, but far enough removed from Hamas to be acceptable to the rest of the world. One could call the rescue attempt "Operation Make-or-Break," since Hamas' parliamentarian Daraghmeh is not the only one saying: "We are not going to keep recommending governments until Israel agrees. This time, it's 'either-or.'"
Hamas-leader Mashaal allegedly accepts the plan
The social politician Mustafa Barghouti, a delegate on a progressive and independent party list, confirmed to SPIEGEL ONLINE after talks in Gaya on Saturday evening that the deal is as good as perfect: "We have agreed on the program and structure of the new government." For weeks, Barghouti was acting as an intermediary, for example by sounding out the preconditions of Khaled Mashaal, Hamas' politburo chief currently residing in Syria. "Mashaal is also in the same boat," Barghouti assures. This is real progress, since so far it has not been unusual for the Damascus-based leader to stand in the way. The agreement, Barghouti says, is a far-reaching compromise on the part of Hamas.
After all, the agreement means that Hamas would have to give up the Prime Minister post. According to sources close to the proceedings, incumbent Prime Minister Ismail Haniya is willing to vacate the post in favor of Mohammad Shabir. For 15 years, Shabir, 60, was director of the Hamas-friendly Islamic University of Gaza. Apparently, though, he is not a member. The Hamas newspaper The Mission has a portrait of the new man: he is "quiet" and "responsible," the paper writes based on testimonials by his friends, neighbors and colleagues. Shabir got an American masters degree in Alexandria, Va. and went on to earn a PhD in West Virginia. "So he is familiar with western and eastern culture," The Mission says.
Indeed, his biography is vital. But just as important is how the Palestinians sell the new government internationally -- as that of a leadership explicitly not spearheaded by Hamas. Government and party platforms, so the text of the agreement, will have nothing in common. The new government will be based on the basis of the two-state solution, says Barghouti. Hamas, whose charter still demands the abolition of Israel, therefore appears poised to support a cabinet and a premier who will stand for an implicit recognition of Israel.
"The total distrust is gone"
Barghouti is confident that Palestinians will pull through with this dialectic solution. What matters is not "who is in the government, but what the government does," exclaimed Israeli Foreign Minister Zipi Livni of all people. Hamas and Fatah want to make the offer even more attractive to the outside world, so says the paper Al-Quds, by appointing personnel from the second ranks to the cabinet. Nine seats are to go to the Islamists, six to Fatah, five to independents and four to representatives of other parties and factions who wish to participate. Barghouti is satisfied that "the climate of total distrust is gone," the mediator says.
However, Hamas insists on advance guarantees: incumbent Foreign Minister Mahmoud Zahar demands assurances that the international boycott will indeed be repealed when the new government takes office. Hamas' reasoning: Once the money starts flowing again, voters will see the surrender of the top office as a heroic act of self-sacrifice. Many believe that Haniya could then run for the office of president.
In Ramallah, the emerging solution is seen as progress, even though most Palestinians are not exactly inclined to optimism after recent bitter disappointments. But there are doubts whether all contentious issues have been cleared out of the way. The paper Al-Quds smells trouble in the air around the post of Interior Minister, which commands the security forces and have so far been the domain of Fatah. If the new Hamas-leader pushes through certain reforms directed against Fatah's influence -- reforms that have been in the works for some time -- then angry, if not violent reactions by the police forces could follow.
Indeed, the news service AFP reported late on Sunday evening that Prime Minister Haniya and Mahmoud Abbas, President of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), have not yet reached an agreement. An hour-long meeting between the two politicians in Gaza City ended without concrete results. More talks are forthcoming.
Both camps are saying the formation of a new government should be complete by the end of the month. They are hoping for an additional boost from a Middle East conference that will take place in Jordan at that time. And there seems to be room for the idea to resound well internationally: for days now, a French-Italian-Spanish peace initiative has been on the table. Israel remains skeptical, but isolated sources close to the government there have already indicated a potential willingness to work with such a new government. However, the anti-American comments made by Hamas's leader and others could become a stumbling block. Not we, but the USA have to change their policies, some Islamists are saying.
Is Hamas joining the PLO?
A second part of the intra-Palestinian agreement allegedly calls for a change in the structures of the PLO. Most believe that such a change would involve accepting Hamas into the group, which is currently dominated by Fatah. The integration of the Islamists from Hamas would be a huge step forward. The PLO charter, after all, was changed in the 1980s to provide for the recognition of Israel.
In the best case, people in Gaza are saying, progress could also be made in the question of prisoner exchange. Militants in the Gaza Strip are still holding an Israeli soldier they kidnapped almost five months ago. Israel's reaction to that June kidnapping was the arrest of 20 Palestinian parliamentarians. The release of the Israeli soldier would greatly increase Israel's willingness to deal with the new national unity government -- and the favor could even be returned. According to sources in Israel, there are plans afoot to release hundreds of Palestinians should progress be made elsewhere.
For the moment, though, nobody is getting their hopes up; failure has often followed on the heels of success in the Middle East. The US has so far refrained from commenting on the rapprochement between Hamas and Fatah, and the Israelis have likewise said little. But the Palestinians know what is at stake. "There is no other way," says the parliamentarian Daraghmeh. "If we can stand together now and show the world our unity, then hopefully we can achieve the end of the boycott."
Operation Make-or-Break in the Middle East
By Yassin Musharbash in Ramallah
Hamas and Fatah agree: The isolation of the Palestinians has to come to an end. To that end, they have made important strides toward a national unity government. Could the tide be turning in the Middle East?
When you ask the Hamas parliamentarian Aiman Daraghmeh what his government has achieved so far, he has to pause to think. Oh, yes: petrol is cheaper now that a different Israeli firm delivers it; and the sale of a license to a second Palestinian mobile phone company filled the empty treasury with a few million dollars. At least the government hasn't incurred any new debt, he said -- but that example caused the 42-year chemist to smile. He knows that no one would have lent Hamas money, anyway.
Since Hamas came to power, an international financial boycott keeps the monetary support from flowing. Israel and the international community have unanimously put forth three demands for the Islamist movement: abdication of violence, recognition of Israel and compliance with international treaties. So far, Hamas has delivered none of these demands. Which is why, ever since Hamas won the vote in January, the Palestinian National Authority, its parliament and the economy are in a waking coma.
But now there is hope, and Palestinians are placing all their bets on one hand: They are going to present Israel and the international community with a government of national unity. It should be close enough to Hamas to be acceptable to Palestinian voters, but far enough removed from Hamas to be acceptable to the rest of the world. One could call the rescue attempt "Operation Make-or-Break," since Hamas' parliamentarian Daraghmeh is not the only one saying: "We are not going to keep recommending governments until Israel agrees. This time, it's 'either-or.'"
Hamas-leader Mashaal allegedly accepts the plan
The social politician Mustafa Barghouti, a delegate on a progressive and independent party list, confirmed to SPIEGEL ONLINE after talks in Gaya on Saturday evening that the deal is as good as perfect: "We have agreed on the program and structure of the new government." For weeks, Barghouti was acting as an intermediary, for example by sounding out the preconditions of Khaled Mashaal, Hamas' politburo chief currently residing in Syria. "Mashaal is also in the same boat," Barghouti assures. This is real progress, since so far it has not been unusual for the Damascus-based leader to stand in the way. The agreement, Barghouti says, is a far-reaching compromise on the part of Hamas.
After all, the agreement means that Hamas would have to give up the Prime Minister post. According to sources close to the proceedings, incumbent Prime Minister Ismail Haniya is willing to vacate the post in favor of Mohammad Shabir. For 15 years, Shabir, 60, was director of the Hamas-friendly Islamic University of Gaza. Apparently, though, he is not a member. The Hamas newspaper The Mission has a portrait of the new man: he is "quiet" and "responsible," the paper writes based on testimonials by his friends, neighbors and colleagues. Shabir got an American masters degree in Alexandria, Va. and went on to earn a PhD in West Virginia. "So he is familiar with western and eastern culture," The Mission says.
Indeed, his biography is vital. But just as important is how the Palestinians sell the new government internationally -- as that of a leadership explicitly not spearheaded by Hamas. Government and party platforms, so the text of the agreement, will have nothing in common. The new government will be based on the basis of the two-state solution, says Barghouti. Hamas, whose charter still demands the abolition of Israel, therefore appears poised to support a cabinet and a premier who will stand for an implicit recognition of Israel.
"The total distrust is gone"
Barghouti is confident that Palestinians will pull through with this dialectic solution. What matters is not "who is in the government, but what the government does," exclaimed Israeli Foreign Minister Zipi Livni of all people. Hamas and Fatah want to make the offer even more attractive to the outside world, so says the paper Al-Quds, by appointing personnel from the second ranks to the cabinet. Nine seats are to go to the Islamists, six to Fatah, five to independents and four to representatives of other parties and factions who wish to participate. Barghouti is satisfied that "the climate of total distrust is gone," the mediator says.
However, Hamas insists on advance guarantees: incumbent Foreign Minister Mahmoud Zahar demands assurances that the international boycott will indeed be repealed when the new government takes office. Hamas' reasoning: Once the money starts flowing again, voters will see the surrender of the top office as a heroic act of self-sacrifice. Many believe that Haniya could then run for the office of president.
In Ramallah, the emerging solution is seen as progress, even though most Palestinians are not exactly inclined to optimism after recent bitter disappointments. But there are doubts whether all contentious issues have been cleared out of the way. The paper Al-Quds smells trouble in the air around the post of Interior Minister, which commands the security forces and have so far been the domain of Fatah. If the new Hamas-leader pushes through certain reforms directed against Fatah's influence -- reforms that have been in the works for some time -- then angry, if not violent reactions by the police forces could follow.
Indeed, the news service AFP reported late on Sunday evening that Prime Minister Haniya and Mahmoud Abbas, President of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), have not yet reached an agreement. An hour-long meeting between the two politicians in Gaza City ended without concrete results. More talks are forthcoming.
Both camps are saying the formation of a new government should be complete by the end of the month. They are hoping for an additional boost from a Middle East conference that will take place in Jordan at that time. And there seems to be room for the idea to resound well internationally: for days now, a French-Italian-Spanish peace initiative has been on the table. Israel remains skeptical, but isolated sources close to the government there have already indicated a potential willingness to work with such a new government. However, the anti-American comments made by Hamas's leader and others could become a stumbling block. Not we, but the USA have to change their policies, some Islamists are saying.
Is Hamas joining the PLO?
A second part of the intra-Palestinian agreement allegedly calls for a change in the structures of the PLO. Most believe that such a change would involve accepting Hamas into the group, which is currently dominated by Fatah. The integration of the Islamists from Hamas would be a huge step forward. The PLO charter, after all, was changed in the 1980s to provide for the recognition of Israel.
In the best case, people in Gaza are saying, progress could also be made in the question of prisoner exchange. Militants in the Gaza Strip are still holding an Israeli soldier they kidnapped almost five months ago. Israel's reaction to that June kidnapping was the arrest of 20 Palestinian parliamentarians. The release of the Israeli soldier would greatly increase Israel's willingness to deal with the new national unity government -- and the favor could even be returned. According to sources in Israel, there are plans afoot to release hundreds of Palestinians should progress be made elsewhere.
For the moment, though, nobody is getting their hopes up; failure has often followed on the heels of success in the Middle East. The US has so far refrained from commenting on the rapprochement between Hamas and Fatah, and the Israelis have likewise said little. But the Palestinians know what is at stake. "There is no other way," says the parliamentarian Daraghmeh. "If we can stand together now and show the world our unity, then hopefully we can achieve the end of the boycott."
