@Coldblooded: Chomsky & Cuba

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Jul 7, 2002
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here's an excerpt from a slighty bigger article. Just focused on cuba.

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[Bernie Dwyer] The US media has branded several nations as terrorist nation or as harbouring terrorists or as being perpetrators of terrorist attacks. Cuba has been pigeonholed as falling into one if not all of these categories when we know that Cuba has suffered more terrorist attacks against it than any other country. How serious do you take these accusations against Cuba? Is the drum beat getting louder?



[Noam Chomsky] Louder than when? Not louder than when Kennedy invaded Cuba and then launched Operation Mongoose leading right to the missile crisis which practically destroyed the world. But, yes, it’s picking up. The fact that the United States can label other countries as terrorist states itself is quite remarkable because it not a secret that the United States is incontrovertibly a terrorist state.



The US is the only country in the world that has been condemned by the World Court for international terrorism. The words they used were: “unlawful use of force” in their war against Nicaragua. That’s international terrorism. There were two Security Council resolutions supporting that judgement. The US of course vetoed them. And that was no small terrorist war. It practically destroyed the country. US terrorism against Cuba has been going on since 1959 and the fact that the US can label Cuba a terrorist state when it has been carrying out a major terrorist campaign against Cuba since 1959, picking up heavily in the’60s and peaking in the ‘70s in fact, that’s pretty astonishing.



But I think if you do a careful study of the American media and intellectual journals and intellectual opinions and so on, you will find nothing about this and not a word suggesting that there is anything strange about it. And if you look at the scholarly literature on terrorism by people like Walter Laqueur and other respected scholars, and take a look at the index, you find Cuba mentioned often and if you look at the page references, what is mentioned is suspicions that Cuba may have been involved in some terrorist actions, but what you will not find is a reference to the very well documented US terrorist operations against Cuba.



And that is not controversial. We have reams of declassified government documents on it. There is extensive scholarship on it, but it cannot enter into public discourse. It’s a pretty remarkable achievement, not just of the media but of the intellectual community altogether. It’s not very different in Europe. If you did an investigation in England you would probably find pretty much the same.



[Bernie Dwyer] The US and the people of the US have nothing to fear from Cuba. Cuba is not a threat. So why is the government doing such a closed job on Cuba?



[Noam Chomsky] The United States, to its credit, is a very free country, maybe the freest country in the world in many respects. One result of that is that we have extremely rich internal documentation. We have a rich record of high level planning documents which tell us the answer to your question. And that’s an achievement of American democracy. However, almost nobody knows about it and that is a failure of democracy.



So the information is there. It’s in the scholarly literature. It’s in the declassified record and it answers your question very clearly. So when the Kennedy administration took over, for example, it immediately organised a Latin American mission. Latin America was going to be a centre piece of the Kennedy administration policy. It was headed by a well-known American historian, Arthur Schlesinger, who was adviser to the president. Schlesinger’s report of the Latin American mission has been declassified for the last number of years and the mission explains to Kennedy the importance of overthrowing the government of Cuba.



The reason is that they are concerned about, virtually quoting, the spread of the Castro idea of taking matters into one’s own hands which will have a lot of appeal to suffering and impoverished people around the hemisphere who are facing very similar problems. We don’t want that idea to spread. If you go on in the declassified records, you find descriptions by the CIA and the intelligence agencies of how the problem with Cuba is what they call its successful defiance of US policies going back a hundred and fifty years. That’s a reference to the Monroe Doctrine. The Monroe Doctrine, which the US was not powerful enough to implement at the time, stated that the US would become the dominant force in this hemisphere and Cuba is not submitting to that. That is successful defiance of a policy that goes back a hundred and fifty years and that can’t be tolerated. They make it very clear. They are not worried about Cuban aggression or even subversion or anything. They are worried about Cuba’s successful defiance and that’s not just Cuban. That’s common.



When the US overthrew the government of Guatemala in 1954 - again we have that rich record of declassified documents - what they explain is that the threat of Guatemala was that its the first democratic government had enormous popular support. It was mobilising the peasantry, instituting social reforms and this was likely to appeal to surrounding countries that might want to do the same thing. And that couldn’t be tolerated or else the whole framework of US domination of the hemisphere would collapse.



And it was the same in South East Asia and the rest of the world. The threat of independent nationalism has always been a primary threat. And actually if you go back far enough, remember the American colonies when they liberated themselves from England, they were regarded by European statesmen as a tremendous threat. The Czar, Metternich and others were extremely upset by this threat of republicanism which might appeal to others and undermine the conservative world order and its moral foundations. It’s the kind of thing that you can’t really accept. It’s basically the threat of independence, of taking matters into your own hands, that can’t be accepted. And anyone who wants to know about this can find it out.



As I say, it’s a very free country. We have a rich documentary record of high level planning going way back and it’s constantly the same thing. I mean why did the United States, Britain and France support Mussolini and Hitler as they did? Well, because they were afraid of what they called the masses in Italy and Germany. If the masses, inspired by the Soviet Union, might try to take matters into their own hands and threaten the rights of property and power, and the only people who can stop them are Hitler and Mussolini, then that’s why they supported them almost to the day that the war began. These are old policies and they’re understandable. They’re understandable if you want the world to be subordinated primarily to domestic power interests.
 
Jul 7, 2002
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[Bernie Dwyer] Because of 43 years of non-stop aggression Cuba has obviously had to take matters into their its own hands even though they did appeal to the United States to stop some of this terrorism emanating from the right-wing anti-Cuba groups in Miami. Are you familiar with the case of the five Cuban political prisoners in the US who were incarcerated for fighting against terrorism?



[Noam Chomsky] That’s an amazing case! Cuba approached the United States with an offer to cooperate in combating terrorism and, in fact, the FBI sent people to Cuba to get information from the Cubans about it. The next thing was that Cubans who had infiltrated the terrorist groups in the United States were arrested. That is utterly shocking! Do you think it’s reported? Nobody knows about it. I mean, here are Cubans who are infiltrating illegal, terrorist organisations in the United States, which are violating US law and the infiltrators are arrested, not the terrorists. It’s astonishing. The US has refused intelligence cooperation with Cuba on terrorism because it would lead directly back to terrorist groups based in the United States.



Actually, since the 1970s, the United States has at least officially opposed this US-based terrorism. But it still tolerates it - it doesn’t close down the terrorist bases or the terrorist funding - but theoretically it opposes it and in fact has even occasionally prosecuted people. Up until then (the 1970s) the US wasn’t relying on Cuban exiles. It was itself organising the terrorism. That’s right into the 1970s officially. What is going on now, we don’t know. We know the official record up until 20 or 30 years ago.



[Bernie Dwyer] How are you following the case of the five Cubans considering the media silence surrounding the case?



[Noam Chomsky] There are, fortunately, independent sources although I can’t think of an article in the United States. The British press has covered it. There are several independent alternative journals in the United States that have covered it. There was quite a good article on it by William Blum in Counterpunch. There’s a good quarterly journal called Socialism and Democracy which published the testimonies of the Cuban prisoners. You can find material on some of the Internet sites like Z-net. So, it is possible for people to find out about it, but it’s a research project. An ordinary person cannot be expected to do that. It’s a major research project.



[Bernie Dwyer] The US obsession with overthrowing the Cuban Revolution reached new heights when James Cason became chief at the US Interests Section here in Havana. He deliberately set out to subvert the Cuban social project from the inside by recruiting, for money and favours, Cubans who would act as agents for the US. When the Cuban government reacted by arresting, putting on trial and imprisoning those mercenaries, there was a lot of criticism from many of Cuba’s friends.



[Noam Chomsky] Yes, I have criticized them for that. I think it was a mistake. In the case of the petition I signed we insisted that it emphasised US terrorist actions and any illegal economic warfare going on against Cuba since 1959. It went on to say that in case of the people that were imprisoned, no public information had been available - and it still isn’t - to justify the charge that they are US government agents, not critical dissidents. I mean the fact that they met with Cason, I may be wrong, but it doesn’t prove it. I think it was the wrong thing to do and not very wise. It was just a gift to the harshest elements in the United States.



[Bernie Dwyer] You would still uphold your admiration of the Cuban system as you did before?



[Noam Chomsky] As far as I am concerned, I do not pass judgement on what Cubans decide to do. I am in favour of Cuba’s successful defiance of the United States. I am in favour of them taking matters into their own hands. Exactly how they carry it out… I have my own opinions. A lot of things I think are fine, a lot not, but it’s a matter for the Cubans to decide. My concern is that the hemispheric superpower not resort to violence, pressure, force, threat, and embargo in order to prevent Cubans from deciding how to determine their own fate.

source: http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=20&ItemID=4132
 
Jul 7, 2002
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ColdBlooded said:
yea i read that before

don't mean shit. his position is the same as i said before and mine on him is the same, he can eat a dick.
well still haven't read anything heavier criticizing cuba, another than what he stated above.
 
Apr 25, 2002
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nefar559 said:
another than what he stated above.
That's enough for me.


"To criticize intellectuals (even those who have been consequential on other issues) for ignoring basic facts about the relationship between the Cuban clients of the U.S. State Department is neither sectarian, authoritarian, nor disrespectful. In every country in the world, acting at the behest of a foreign power is not considered dissent."




The Responsibility of the intellectuals
http://www.canadiandimension.mb.ca/v37/v37_4pl.htm

In order to come to reason about the debate raging between intellectuals on the issues of human rights in Cuba and U.S. imperialism, it is important to step back and consider the role of the intellectuals, the context and major issues that frame the U.S.-Cuba conflict.

The Role of the Intellectuals

The role of intellectuals is to clarify the major issues and define the major threats to peace, social justice, national independence and freedom in each historical period, as well as to identify and support the principal defenders of the same principles. Intellectuals have a responsibility to distinguish between the defensive measures taken by countries and peoples under imperial attack and the offensive methods of imperial powers bent on conquest. It is the height of cant and hypocrisy to engage in moral equivalences between the violence and repression of imperial countries bent on conquest with that of Third World countries under military and terrorist attacks. Responsible intellectuals critically examine the political context and analyze the relationships between imperial power and its paid local functionaries who they describe as ÒdissidentsÓ Ñ they do not issue moral fiats according to their dim lights and their political imperatives.

Moral Imperatives and Cuban Realities: Morality as Dishonesty

Intellectuals are divided on the U.S.-Cuba conflict: Benedetti, Sastre, Petras, Sanchez-Vazquez and Pablo Gonzalez Casanova and scores of others defend Cuba; right-wing intellectuals including Vargas Llosa, Savater and Carlos Fuentes have predictably issued their usual diatribes against Cuba; and a small army of otherwise progressive intellectuals Ñ Chomsky, Saramago, Sontag, Zinn and Wallerstein Ñ have joined the chorus condemning Cuba, waving their past critical postures in an effort to distinguish themselves from the right-wing/State Department Cuban opponents. It is the latter ÒprogressiveÓ group that has caused the greatest harm among the burgeoning anti-imperialist movement, and it is to them that these critical remarks are directed. Morality based on propaganda is a deadly mix Ñ particularly when the moral judgements come from prestigious leftist intellectuals and the propaganda emanates from the far-right Bush Administration.

Many of the ÒprogressiveÓ critics of Cuba acknowledge, both in passing and in a general way, that the U.S. has been a hostile aggressor against Cuba, and they ÒgenerouslyÓ grant Cuba the right to self-determination Ñ and then launch into a series of unsubstantiated charges and misrepresentations devoid of any special context that might serve to clarify the issues and provide a reasoned basis for Òmoral imperatives.Ó

It is best to begin with the most fundamental facts. The left critics, based on U.S. State Department labeling, denounce the Cuban governmentÕs repression of individuals, dissidents, including journalists, owners of private libraries and members of political parties engaged in non-violent political activity trying to exercise their democratic rights. What they fail to recognize or are unwilling to acknowledge is that those arrested are paid functionaries of the U.S. government. According to the U.S. Agency of International Development (USAID), the principal American federal agency implementing U.S. grants and loans in pursuit of U.S. foreign policy, under USAIDÕs Cuba Program (created out of the 1996 Helms-Burton Act) USAID has since 1997 channeled over $8.5 million to Cuban opponents of the Castro regime to publish, meet and propagandize in favour of the overthrow of the Cuban government in co-ordination with a variety of U.S. NGOs, universities, foundations and front groups. (A profile of the Cuba Program is available at www.usaid.gov/regions/lac/cu/upd-cub.htm).

Contrary to its usual practice, the USAID program does not channel payments to the Cuban government, but directly to its Cuban ÒdissidentÓ clients. The criteria for funding are clearly stated Ñ the recipients of payments and grants must have demonstrated a clear commitment to U.S.-directed Òregime changeÓ toward Òfree marketsÓ and ÒdemocracyÓ Ñ no doubt similar to the U.S. colonial dictatorship in Iraq. The Helms-Burton legislation, the USAID Cuba Program and its paid Cuban functionaries, like the U.S. progressive manifesto, Òcondemn CubaÕs lack of freedom, jailing of innocent dissidents, and call for a democratic change of regime in CubaÓ Ñ strange coincidences that require some analyses. Cuban journalists who have received $280,000 from the Cuba Free Press Project Ñ a USAID front Ñ are not dissidents; they are paid functionaries. Nor are members of Cuban Òhuman rightsÓ groups, who receive $775,000 from CIA front organization Freedom House, genuine dissidents Ñ particularly when their mission is to promote a ÒtransitionÓ (overthrow) of the Cuban regime. The list of grants and funding to Cuban ÒdissidentsÓ (functionaries) by the U.S. government in pursuit of U.S. policy is long, detailed and accessible to all. The point is that the jailed opponents of the Cuban government were paid functionaries of the U.S. government, paid to implement the goals of the Helms-Burton Act in accordance with the criteria of USAID and under the guidance and direction of James Cason, head of the U.S. Interests Section in Havana.

Between September 2, 2002 and March, 2003, Cason held dozens of meetings with his Cuban ÒdissidentsÓ at his home and office, providing them with instructions and guidelines on what to write and how to recruit, while publicly haranguing the Cuban government in the most undiplomatic manner. WashingtonÕs Cuban functionaries were supplied with electronic and other communications equipment by USAID, along with books and other propaganda, and money to fund pro-U.S. Òtrade unionsÓ via another U.S. front organization, the ÒAmerican Center for International Labor Solidarity.Ó These are not well-meaning ÒdissidentsÓ unaware of their paymasterÕs true identity. They are U.S. agents Ñ the USAID report states, under the section entitled ÒThe U.S. Institutional Context,Ó that, ÒThe Cuba Program is funded through Economic Support Fund, which is designed to support the economic and political foreign policy interests of the U.S. by providing financial assistance to allies [sic] and countries in transition to democracy.Ó

No country in the world tolerates or labels domestic citizens paid by and working for a foreign power to act for its imperial interests as Òdissidents.Ó This is especially true of the U.S., where, under Title 18, Section 951 of the U.S. Code, Òanyone who agrees to operate within the United States subject to the direction or control of a foreign government or official would be subjected to criminal prosecution and a 10 year prison sentence.Ó (Unless, of course, they register as a paid foreign agent or are working for the Israeli government.)

Some defenders of the U.S. agent-dissidents claim that the functionaries received Òscandalously long sentences.Ó Once again, empirical myopia compounds mendacious moralizing. Cuba is on a war footing. The Bush Administration has declared that Cuba is on the list of military targets subject to mass destruction and war. The total lack of seriousness in ChomskyÕs, ZinnÕs, SontagÕs and WallersteinÕs moral dictates is that they fail to acknowledge the imminent and massive threat of a U.S. war with weapons of mass destruction, announced in advance. This is particularly onerous given the fact that many of CubaÕs detractors live in the U.S., read the U.S. press and are aware of how quickly militaristic pronouncements are followed by genocidal actions.

The critics of Cuba ignore the fact that the U.S. has a two-pronged military-political strategy to take over Cuba that is already in operation. Washington provides asylum for terrorist air pirates, encouraging efforts to destabilize CubaÕs tourist-based economy; it works closely with the terrorist Cuban American Foundation, engaging in attempts to assassinate Cuban leaders. New U.S. military bases have been established in the Dominican Republic, Colombia and El Salvador, and there is an expanding concentration camp in Guantanamo Ñ all to facilitate an invasion. The U.S. embargo is in the process of being tightened with the support of the right-wing Berlusconi and Aznar regimes in Italy and Spain. The aggressive and openly political activity of James Cason of the Interests Section, in line with his Cuban followers among the paid agent-dissidents, is part of the inside strategy designed to undermine Cuban loyalty to the regime and the Revolution. The inter-connection between the two tactics and their strategic convergence is ignored by our prestigious intellectual critics, who prefer the luxury of issuing moral imperatives about freedom everywhere for everyone, even when a psychotic Washington puts the knife to CubaÕs throat. No thanks, Chomsky, Sontag, Wallerstein Ñ Cuba is justified in giving its attackers a kick in the balls and sending them to cut sugar cane to earn an honest living.
 
Apr 25, 2002
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The death penalty for three ferry-boat terrorists is harsh treatment Ñ but so was the threat to the lives of 40 Cuban passengers who faced death at the hands of the hijackers. Again our moralists forgot to discuss the rash acts of air piracy and the plots of others uncovered in time. The moralists failed to understand why these terrorist desperados are seeking illegal means to leave Cuba. BushÕs administration has practically eliminated the visa program for Cuban emigrants wishing to leave. Visa grants have declined from 9,000 for the first four months of 2002, to 700 in 2003. This is a clever tactic to encourage terrorist acts in Cuba and then denounce the harsh sentences, evoking the chorus of ÒyeaÓ-sayers in the ÒAmenÓ corner of the progressive U.S. and European intellectual establishments.

What is eminently dishonest is to totally ignore the vast accomplishments of the Revolution in employment, education, health, equality and CubaÕs heroic and principled opposition to imperial wars Ñ the only country so to declare Ñ and its capacity to resist almost 50 years of invasions. That this counts for nothing among intellectuals is scandalous.

The principal author and promoter of the anti-Cuban declaration in the United States (signed by Chomsky, Zinn and Wallerstein) is Joanne Landy, a self-declared Òdemocratic socialistÓ and a life-long advocate of the violent overthrow of the Cuban government Ñ for the past 40 years. She is now a member of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), one of the major institutions advising the U.S. government on imperial policies for over half a century. Landy supported the U.S. invasions of Afghanistan and Yugoslavia, and called publicly for overt military support for the Albanian KLA terrorist organization responsible for the murder of 2,000 Serbs as well as the ethnic cleansing of hundreds of thousands of Serbs and others in Kosovo. It is no surprise that the statement authored by this right-wing chameleon extremist contained no mention of CubaÕs social accomplishments and opposition to imperialism. For the record, it should be noted that Landy was a visceral opponent of the Chinese, Vietnamese and other social revolutions in her climb to positions of influence in the CFR.

Within the U.S. Progressive Left

Many critics of Cuba speak of ÒprinciplesÓ as if there were only one set of principles applicable to all situations independent of who is involved and what the consequences are. Asserting ÒprinciplesÓ like ÒfreedomÓ for those involved in plotting the overthrow of the Cuban government in complicity with the State Department would turn Cuba into another Chile Ñ where Allende was overthrown by Pinochet Ñ and lead to a reversal of the popular gains of the Revolution. There are principles more basic than freedom for U.S. Cuban functionaries: I mean national security and popular sovereignty.

There is, particularly among the U.S. progressive Left, a certain attraction to Third World victims, those who suffer defeats, and an aversion to successful revolutionaries. It seems that U.S. progressive intellectuals always find an alibi to avoid a commitment to a revolution. For some it is the old refrain of ÒStalinismÓ Ñ if the state plays a major role in the economy Ñ or it can be mass mobilizations they dub Òplebicitary dictatorships,Ó or it can be security agencies that successfully prevent terrorist activity, which they call a Òrepressive police state.Ó Living in the least politicized nation in the world, with one of the most servile and corrupt trade-union apparati in the West, with virtually no practical political influence outside a few university towns, U.S. intellectuals have no practical knowledge or experience of the everyday threats and violence that hang over revolutionary governments and activists in Latin America. Their political conceptions, the yardsticks they pull out to condemn or to approve of any political activity, exist nowhere except in their heads Ñ in their congenial, progressive, university settings, where they enjoy all the privileges of capitalist freedom and none of the risks against which Third World revolutionaries must defend themselves.

Revolutionary Imperatives

Here are my own Òmoral imperativesÓ Ñ for the intellectuals Ñ of the Cuban action.

The first duty of Euro-U.S. intellectuals is to oppose their own imperial rulers set upon conquering the world.

The second duty is to clarify the moral issues involved in the struggle between imperial militarists and popular/national resistance, and to reject the hypocritical posture that equates the mass terror of one with the justified, if at times excessive, security constraints of the other.

The third is to resist the temptation to refuse to support victorious popular struggles and revolutionary regimes, which are not perfect and which lack all the freedoms available to intellectuals who are unable to threaten power and who are, therefore, tolerated as they meet, discuss and criticize.

The fourth is to refuse to set themselves as judge, prosecutor and jury in condemnation of progressives who have the courage to defend revolutionaries. The most appalling instance is Susan SontagÕs scurrilous attack upon Colombian author and Nobel Prize laureate Gabriel Garcia Marquez, who she accused of lacking integrity and of being an apologist for Cuban terror. Sontag made her blood-libelous accusations in Bogota, Colombia. The Colombian death squads working with the regime and the military kill more trade unionists and journalists than any other country in the world, and they do so for far smaller crimes than for being an ÒapologistÓ for the Castro regime.

It is easy for critical intellectuals to be a Òfriend of CubaÓ at celebrations and invited conferences in times of lesser threats. It is much harder to be a friend of Cuba when a totalitarian empire threatens the heroic island and puts heavy hands on its defenders.

It is in times like these Ñ of permanent wars, genocide and military aggression Ñ when Cuba needs the solidarity of critical intellectuals, which that country is receiving from all over Europe and particularly Latin America. IsnÕt it time that we in North America, with our illustrious and prestigious progressive intellectuals, with all our majestic moral sensibilities, recognize that there is a vital, heroic Revolution struggling to defend itself against the U.S. juggernaut, and that we modestly set aside our self-important declarations to support that Revolution and to join the million Cubans celebrating May Day with their leader Fidel Castro?

James Petras is a member of the Canadian Dimension Editorial Collective.